Tuesday, October 18, 2022

Horror in Slovenia: Over 3,000 Bodies Discovered

Skeletal remains of massacred victims at Macesnova Gorica, Slovenia

In September 2022 a team of speleologists and anthropologists investigating the foiba of Macesnova Gorica, in Slovenia, reported that they had identified more than 3,000 bodies belonging to victims massacred by the Yugoslav Partisans of Communist dictator Josip Broz Tito.

These were victims of the Kočevski Rog Massacre. In truth only a fraction of the victims, as the total number of people killed in this massacre could be as high as 30,000 people, buried in multiple different locations. This most recent investigation at the Macesnova Gorica site resulted in the recovery of over 3,000 skeletal remains.

The bodies are mostly of adult men, but with a high percentage of children, namely young boys between the ages of 13 and 17. They are said to be primarily Slovenian civilians, though the presence of other nationalities – including Italians and Croats – can not be excluded.

The victims were arrested in May 1945 by Tito's Partisans and detained in the village of Šentvid, near Ljubljana, after the war had already ended. Between June 9 and June 15 they were brought to Macesnova Gorica and dumped into deep pits known as foibe. According to the team, no less than 30 bodies were discovered in isolated tunnels, indicating that they had been thrown alive into the abyss and attempted to escape by dragging themselves into small openings of the crevice, only to die a slow and agonizing death beneath the earth's surface.

Based on the experts’ analysis of the remains, as many as 500 bodies had been dismembered as a result of explosives thrown onto the pile of bodies by the Yugoslav Partisans, in an attempt to kill the still-breathing victims and cause a collapse of the cave's walls in order to cover up the bodies.
 
On September 28, 2022 the Bishop of Novo Mesto and President of the Slovenian Bishops’ Conference Andrej Saje visited the horrific site.

Visibly shaken, he stated the following after his visit:
I am deeply disturbed by the criminal acts that have been carried out here, and I express my expectation that the State and responsible authorities will ensure that all those who were violently murdered during and after World War II receive a dignified burial and have a place in the nation's historical memory.”
The largest cemetery in Slovenia's capital, Žale Cemetery, as well as the municipality of Ljubiana itself, have already rejected any notion of hosting the remains of the victims. This is quite reflective of a country that still refuses to come to terms with its past. Denialism of crimes and justification of brutalities is unfortunately very common in this region of Europe.

This is far from the only skeleton in Slovenia's closet. The country is home to some of the largest mass graves in Europe, known as “silenced mass graves” (zamolčana grobišča) because for decades their existence was concealed from the public.

It is estimated that in total there are over 700 different sites where Tito's Communist partisans killed, ‘infoibed’ or disposed of their victims’ bodies in the period between May-September 1945. What has been uncovered at Macesnova Gorica is merely one of the hundreds of mass graves, connected to but one of innumerable massacres carried out by the Yugoslav Partisans.

The Slovene-Yugoslav partisans also slaughtered thousands of Italians in the Foibe Massacres. They chased thousands more Italian civilians out of their homes in Istria and Julian Venetia, before repopulating the territory with Yugoslav settlers. Capodistria (Koper), the 5th largest city in Slovenia, was 92% Italian in 1900; now the Italians are less than 5% of the population, owing to the genocide conducted by those who today are still exalted as ‘heroes’ and ‘liberators’ in Slovenia.

Slovenia is not yet prepared to admit or acknowledge how it treated its own people, let alone admit the role it played in the horrific crimes and ethnic cleansing perpetrated against the Italian population who lived in these lands since time immemorial – since before the Slovenes themselves did.

Sources:


Wednesday, August 10, 2022

Italy and the Balkans: The Problem of Dalmatia

(Written by Ferruccio Bonavia, taken from “The Near East”, Volume 13, 1917.)

Traù — Former Italian city in Dalmatia

With a view to enabling our readers to see both sides of the controversy between the Southern Slavs and the Italians regarding the future of Dalmatia, we have asked Signor F. Bonavia to state the Italian case. This he has undertaken to do, and we publish below the first of his articles:


Italy and the Balkans: The Problem of Dalmatia

There seems to be a general, if not clearly-defined, impression that the claims of Italy to her unredeemed provinces on the eastern shores of the Adriatic are based more or less on a very recent imperialistic policy, and that their attainment would be a repayment for the help given by Italy in the present war, entailing gross injustice to other races. Fiume is spoken of as a Hungarian town, although the Magyars are at most only a twelfth of the population. One writer, obviously honest and eager to deal fairly with the subject, suggested a little while ago that Trieste should become, at the end of the war, an international city; another, less unbiassed, perhaps, but equally misinformed, suggested that Austria be given a “chance” in the future partition of the Adriatic. Austria has had her chance; and this state of mind, this uncertainty, is the direct result of the policy through which Austria wished to justify her possessions in the Adriatic in face of the democracies of the world.

There was never a more ruthless application of the motto “Divide et impera” than the history of these unfortunate provinces can show. For half-a-century the most cruel policy of wholesale banishment and persecution was carried out by the Viennese Government; yet the world at large heard little of it, since the Italians, represented by a hopeless minority in the Austrian Parliament, could not make themselves heard while the storm raged between Czechs and Germans. Italy, their natural protector, was gagged and bound by the unnatural treaty of alliance, which was the first cause of that mistrust with which she was in the past sometimes regarded by those very nations whose history, race and sympathies fashioned them to be her friends. The free choice of the people of Italy in the moment of crisis showed where the heart of Italy had always been, but the mischief has not been undone wholly yet.

The Italian claims on Trieste, Istria and Dalmatia (their right to the Trentino does not seem to have been questioned) are neither imperialistic nor recent. Since ever the idea of a united Italy began to take root from the blood-soaked fields of Napoleonic campaigns these provinces, which had been Roman first and then Venetian, in any case Latin for twenty centuries, were claimed for the new Italy. In the little town of Capodistria two pieces of cannon placed in the only square and a gallows equally permanently established, were necessary to stifle the protests of the people when the population was handed over to Austria in payment for her treachery to Venice. The people in the Dalmatian towns wept with grief when they saw the insignia of the Venetian Republic lowered. It was not difficult then to know the political wishes and the nationality of these provinces.

In the days of Mazzini and Garibaldi the aim of the Italian patriots was equally known and accepted by all liberal-minded people. “Austria is arming herself to defend Istria and Venice; for Garibaldi, as soon as his army is reinforced, will throw himself on Dalmatia, crossing from Puglia, and shut in the face of the barbarians that always open door, the Italian Alps,” wrote Count Prospero Antonini to G. Rinaldi. Cavour's Charge d'Affaires, in a long interview with Napoleon III., submitted a memorial, which gave as the boundaries of Northern Italy “Piedmont, Lombardy, Venice, Italian Friuli and the coastland of Dalmatia.” There was then no doubt in the minds of statesmen as to the justice of the Italian claims, the only doubts were as to the expediency of a war to realise them.

If further proof be wanted, one need only glance at the proclamations of the Dalmato-Istrians calling the people to arm for Italian independence, to the sums of money freely and generously given for the liberation of Venice ; to the repeated protests of the municipalities of Istria against its union with Krain; to the requests for national and administrative autonomy. Carlo Cattaneo in January, 1851, in a letter to The Times and the Daily News, wrote:
“Many English people are under the erroneous impression that Austria possesses her Italian provinces in virtue of some old hereditary right, and they go so far as to believe that Prussia or any other Germanic Power has not only the right, but the duty, by uninterrupted tradition, to ensure to Austria the domination of these lands. I wish to point out that two-thirds of the Italian subjects of Austria are quite a recent acquisition; almost four million inhabitants belong to the Venetian States and its original dependencies on the Istrian coast of the Adriatic — Istria, Dalmatia, Ragusa, and Cattaro. ... The way in which the Venetian, the oldest autonomous State existing in Europe, passed sixty years ago suddenly from one moment to the next, from being the ally of Austria to becoming its prey and victim, marks one of the lowest and meanest transactions to be met with in modern history.”
This is the fons et origo of all the evil which, let us hope, the present war will rectify, as it certainly will if justice and right are to prevail over violence, and if the remnants of a policy by which nations were traded in and handed about like chattels are no longer to poison the future destinies of the world. The Treaty of Campoformio, which gave Austria these provinces, irrespective of the wishes of the population, prepared the way for the attempt to force a way through to Salonika and to the East, suppressing on the way both the Italians of Dalmatia and the Slavs of Serbia.

As long as the Austrians still hoped to reconquer Venice and their Italian dominion, they did not deny the Italian nationality of the southern provinces. In 1848 the Osservatore Triestino, the official organ of the Austrian Government in Trieste, commenting upon a proclamation of the Governor relative to a revolt in favour of Italy ruthlessly suppressed, wrote:
“Citizens, he who writes is Italian, and proud of the fact. If he were ordered to renounce his nationality he would be the last to write a line in this paper; but, for the love of Heaven, be not misled by those who play upon your unfounded fear of seeing your nationality adulterated, disturbing your minds by a mere phantom.”
How well founded was this fear of a murderous attempt upon their nationality is proved by the fact that little more than half a century later an apparently unbiassed writer could seriously suggest the internationalization of Trieste.

As Austria lost first Lombardy and then Venice, she tightened her deadly grip on the remaining provinces. Her dream of an Italian domain lost, with the establishment of a free and united Italian nation, she had no more use for an Italian population. Taking advantage of the fact that Italy was shackled by an alliance and that Germany was drawing to herself the alarmed attention of the rest of Europe, she turned her energies to the ruthless systematic uprooting of the Italian element in her Italian provinces. How this war was waged and with what success will be considered in the next article.



Italy and the Balkans: The Problem of Dalmatia II

The latest Austrian statistics give an overwhelming majority of Slavs in Dalmatia. The Slavs themselves are not satisfied with this majority, and maintain that the statistics favour the Italians. The electoral returns seem to show that, far from being favoured, the Italians in Dalmatia have been under-estimated by two-thirds. But if the policy of persecution, of intimidation, and violence pursued by Austria during the last fifty years is not to be allowed to obtain its object, if the great democracies of the world are not to let crime go unpunished, it will be necessary to consider not the statistics of today alone, but the statistics of the last fifty years, and to inquire very carefully into the astonishing changes which have taken place. Even in 1880 all the municipalities of the largest Dalmatian cities were Italian. Today the capital alone — Zara — has an Italian corporation. Even Ragusa had until the turn of the century a municipality which consisted half of Italian and half of Serbian representatives. Now Ragusa, like Spalato since 1883, like Sebenico and Trau, is entirely in the hands of the Croats.

In the Dalmatian Diet of 1861 the Italian party had thirty members against thirteen more recently. When the Venetian Republic fell the Dalmatian cities showed in unmistakable manner their attachment to the State which had carried on the traditions of Rome extending over a period of twenty centuries. What has happened in the last fifty years to change the national character of the province? Simply this: the Austrians, to justify their possession in the face of Europe, which demanded a national base for the State, decided upon a crusade to denationalise the whole of the Italian provinces, a crusade which sometimes was childish and futile, as when the Austrian authorities cut a Venetian lion from one of the city walls of Monfalcone, but more often was bloody and violent.

The notion originated with Radetzky. But it was not adopted at once, for Austria had still hopes of recovering Venice and possibly the Milanese, in which case there would have been one more nationality to steady the political balance of the empire. When the statesmen of Vienna realised that Italy was more likely to claim what belonged to her by right than to lose a part of what she held, they embarked on their new policy, which is the exact counterpart of the policy carried on by Germany in Alsace-Lorraine and attempted in a necessarily modified form in Belgium since the occupation. Europe demanded that the people should choose their government. Austria and Germany — autocracies — undertook to provide the kind of people that would be faithful to them. The experiment has not been altogether successful in Dalmatia, for part of the Slavs now demand separation. But the Croatian Slav is still one of the mainstays of the monarchy, and in the meantime the Italians were sacrificed.

How Austria respected the wishes and aspirations of her people is shown by the manner in which the elections for the Diet were carried on in Dalmatia. The preparation consisted in a series of acts of brutal violence to intimidate the Italian electors. Flourishing vineyards were destroyed, trees cut down, fields ready for the harvesters trampled upon, electors shot at and stoned. The electoral commission worked protected by the soldiers' bayonets. One of the Austrian officials, unaware that a Croatian victory had been ordered from Vienna, reprimanded the authors of some gross fraud. He was immediately suspended, and the campaign was carried on with greater violence, with contemptuous disregard of all equity and justice.

When it became apparent that the victory would go to the Italians unless new subterfuges were resorted to, the Slav electors were recalled and made to impersonate voters long dead. The Italians discovered the fraud, and obtained and produced death certificates; the commission refused to listen to them. But victory still hung in the balance. The special Viennese envoy had to resort to open violence. He began by teaching the Slav from the country to make the road dangerous for the Italian electors. He ended by ordering or countenancing a charge of two battalions of Tyrolese chasseurs to disperse a few hundred Italians who were waiting their turn to enter the polling booth.

Is it surprising if the result gave a Diet in which the number of the Italian representatives fell from thirty to thirteen? Nor was the method adopted to win over the municipal government essentially different. When Spalato passed over to the Croatians in 1883 a couple of warships kept their guns trained on the town, while patrols of soldiers and sailors prevented Italian electors from reaching the voting stations. Italian votes were cancelled, clocks were tampered with to hasten or suspend the closing hour as the election seemed to go in favour of or against the Croatian party. The Austrian “prefect” ordered all the Government employees to vote for the Croatians, and the Slav bishop issued a similar command to his dependents. Thus gradually all the civic government fell into the hands of the protégés of the Austrians. A few years ago the islands of Brazza, Lisa, Werbosca, in Lesina, still held out. Today the capital — Zara — stands alone.

To capture the municipal government was essential to the success of the Austrian plan. The municipality alone is sufficiently powerful to protect the city and the surrounding district from the attacks of the government party. To drive away or convert forcibly the Italians, it was necessary to control schools and churches. This could not be done as long as the town authorities had the means to open new schools and the power to protest against a political campaign carried on from the pulpit. When the control of the city government was secured church and schools were used with unparalleled. unscrupulousness to sow hatred and distrust of all Italians.

There are cases on record where the Croatian priests (the bishops of Trieste and Veglia are Slavs) have refused to administer baptism and the last sacraments of the Church to Italians because they were Italians. A funeral procession was refused admittance to church, and denied permission to enter the cemetery for the same reason. A few years ago the Bishop of Veglia, Monsignor Mahnic, issued an order that religion was to be taught [in Croatian in all the Quarnero islands] irrespective of the nationality of the students and of their inability to understand the language. But the schools' council had still some power over which the Government's hand did not stretch, and it exercised it by substituting for the priests lay teachers able and willing to teach religion in the only tongue the pupils spoke and understood. At the close of the scholastic year the bishop retorted by excommunicating both teachers and council, a procedure which the Croatian clerical paper, Pucki Prigateli, described as an excellent manoeuvre.

Another teacher was arrested and tried because he happened to use Latin instead of Croatian when singing the “Tantum ergo.” When a religious body from Slav Zagabria asked permission to open a school at Pola, the authorisation was granted immediately, but the friars of Pirano, when they made a similar request, received a sharp denial, because they were of Italian nationality. Such examples could be multiplied indefinitely, but enough has been said, perhaps, to prove at least that the power which inspired this policy of extermination against the Italians of the Irredenta is hardly likely to have “cooked” the statistics in order to favour the Italians at the expense of the Slavs. The Italians of Dalmatia, says Gayda, contributed 30 per cent of the provincial taxes in 1911, yet the Budget did not give them a single school in which their children could receive their education in the language of their fathers.

The Austrian Minister of Education, after many petitions, acknowledged in 1886 that “the conditions required by the law for the institution of an Italian school at Spalato exist without doubt,” and the Imperial tribunal confirmed the Government's statement, and yet the school was not established.



Italy and the Balkans: The Problem of Dalmatia III

The Austrian statistics in regard to the Italian population of Dalmatia are exceedingly eloquent, if seen in their true perspective. Once the official census gave 56,000 Italians; in 1880 the official figure fell to 20,000; ten years later there were apparently only 16,000 Italians left. The conclusion is obvious; the Italians were being suppressed no less effectively than they could have been, if Vienna had followed the example of Constantinople and adopted its more primitive and more direct way of destroying the Armenians. Cruel or puerile, the persecution of the Italians is always directly traceable to Vienna. As long as the Austrian Lloyd ships belonged to a Trieste company they were named after cities and the heroes of mythology — there was the Venezia, the Milano, the Pandora, the Ettore. As soon as the Government stepped in and controlled the company, Achilles and Hector had to make way for the names of obscure Austrian statesmen. Of course, it was childish; but it was the reductio ad absurdum of Teutonic thoroughness. The church, the school, the police were handed over to an alien race. The names of things and places had to follow.

When the war began it was considered that the game had been won in Dalmatia. Trieste was the next objective, and all the apparatus used in Dalmatia was brought to bear — provocation, intimidation, military force. In addition, Trieste being a commercial city and consequently less dependent on favours and less afraid of the displeasure of the Government, banks began to exercise their influence to finance and direct politico-commercial operations similar in every way to those undertaken by Germany to snare other unsuspecting peoples and making them dependent financially upon Berlin. The Government offices were filled with foreigners, of whom not one could speak correctly the language of the people. Every obstacle was placed in the way of Italian subjects wishing to establish themselves in Trieste, and to prevent the swelling of the Italian party, in spite of the fact that no foreign subject could obtain political rights.

A [man named] M. Vernet was refused permission to build a mill because he happened to speak Italian like a native, having lived some years in Sicily. When he threatened to place the matter in the hands of the French Consul, he was told that had he made known his nationality sooner all the difficulties would have vanished, and the concession was given forthwith.

An Italian was murdered by a drunken Croat. All that the murderer could say in defence was that he had killed “an Italian.” He was condemned to four months' imprisonment. More than once Italian subjects accused of a trifling offence have been condemned to terms of imprisonment and — inevitable corollary — deportation. If the Court of Appeal cancelled the sentence and the imprisonment was remitted, the banishment was nevertheless upheld by the police even for those born in Trieste, if the parents were Italian subjects.

Throughout these years the animus of the Austrian authorities in these provinces was that of the bully who, although physically much stronger than his victim, is afraid and anxious lest he should be caught red-handed and his brutality punished. They lost their heads for no particular reason; they believed the wildest rumours. They mobilised suddenly all the available troops in Dalmatia and set them to defend the coast, because it had been reported (obviously by some wag) that 30,000 Garibaldian volunteers were preparing to invade it. The Athletic Club of Trieste, with 3,000 members, was closed by order of the police five times. But as there is no law against the formation of a new society, the closure of the club only meant a change of name.

Some of the reasons given for the action of the authorities are perhaps worth recording. In 1864 the alleged reason was that a public entertainment had been given in the garden of the club; in 1882 the club postponed a meeting in sign of mourning for the death of Garibaldi, and this, the Austrian authorities said, showed that the club had “political aims dangerous to the safety of the State.”

“I want to clear out all these Italians,” the the chief of the police was overheard to say in Trieste. “We must do in Trieste as we have done in Dalmatia; help with every means the non-Italian elements and wipe out the Italians altogether,” wrote Lieutenant-Marshal Foerstner in the Oesterreichische Rundschau shortly before the war.

The merciless persecution of the Italians in the unredeemed provinces must be taken into account even before the great historical and important military claims of Italy on these lands are considered. Any solution, any proposal which did not make full amends for the wrongs suffered during fifty years by the Italian population would be bound to encourage a policy which is not only immoral, when measured by every canon humanity ever evolved to save civilisation from barbarism, but is also bound to lead to international complications. The sufferer must needs revolt against the oppressor as soon as the opportunity arises. The oppressor himself who does wrong, and is conscious of it, redoubles his cruelties to stifle the victim before Nemesis can overtake him.

Neither the most cynical and most hardened criminals nor the new tyrant can escape this instinctive dread of justice even when they have reason to think themselves beyond its reach. Germany was eager to “give France a lesson,” although she knew that France was not in a position to attempt, and was far from contemplating, the recovery of Alsace-Lorraine. At the time of the Messina earthquake Austrian generals, betraying the instinct which combines fear and cruelty, suggested an attack on Italy to prevent even the remote possibility of a cry of anger from the mother country for the Italian population across the frontier deprived of its birthright. One wrong leads inevitably to another.

As for the strategical claims of Italy on these coastal provinces, their importance may have been thought exaggerated once. Now, however, it must be clear that for the mastery of the Adriatic the possession of the eastern coast is an indispensable condition. Neither Italian, English nor French commanders have been able to accomplish much, in spite of the great skill shown in smaller operations and the devotion of the sailors. “The long coastal State of Dalmatia, which flanks Bosnia-Herzegovina on the west,” writes Sir Thomas Holdich, “is divided from them by the effective wall of the Dinaric Alps. Across that rugged system no railway has yet been carried, and Dalmatia owes her independent existence entirely to the natural strength of her frontier.”

This is the reason why her history and her civilisation were those of Rome and Venice, not those of the people living beyond the Alps. These are, of course, frontier provinces, and frontier provinces have always a more or less mixed population. If the Czechs obtain their autonomy and France recovers Alsace-Lorraine, the percentage of the foreign population will be higher there than it will be in these unredeemed provinces of Italy. Nor is it to be thought that the fulfilment of the Italian claim would mean the exclusion from the Adriatic of other nations. Both to the north and to the south of Dalmatia there are excellent harbours which would give the hinterland its outlet on the sea.

Tuesday, October 19, 2021

Foibe Massacres: The Deep Italic Roots of Istria and Dalmatia

(Written by Mario Bortoluzzi, taken from the journal “Secolo Trentino”, February 9, 2021)

Map of Italy after the Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) 

Objectors say: “The exodus of the Istrians, Fiumans and Dalmatians is a consequence of the events of the Second World War; the tragedy of the Foibe Massacres is the result of violence perpetrated by the Slavs in retaliation for violence during the Italian occupation from 1920 to 1945.”

This is the objection that is raised every year on the Day of Remembrance. It is repeated like a mantra by the media in our country, which is controlled by a well-identified school of thought. In essence, they claim that the Slavs led by Tito may have been a bit excessive in their anti-Italian violence, but it was simply a reaction to the violence and oppression of the Italian occupier.

All this denotes a profound ignorance – if not intentional bad faith – with regard to the history of Istria and Dalmatia. These lands were never divorced from Italian history, as we shall see later, but are rightfully part of our national history, just as are the histories of all the current-day Italian regions.

What Tito did was only the final act of a process that began in 1860, and quite frankly the Communist ideology professed by Tito was not the triggering factor; if anything it was the new ideological glue that held the Slavic peoples together (Slovenes, Serbs, Croats) in their anti-Italian operation.

The history of those lands, which were Roman and then Venetian for nearly a thousand years, is part of the history of our Fatherland and should be studied in schools in all grades. But today it is forgotten history, indeed its history is unacknowledged and hidden.

That is why, for example, nothing is ever said about what took place in Istria and Dalmatia between the time of the Risorgimento and the First World War.

That is why they fail to teach and explain that the methods used by the Italian government from 1918 to 1945 (the famous compulsory use of the Italian language in schools, the supposed “italianization” of surnames and violence during the war), although considered wrong by people today, were not considered wrong according to the mentality of the time; during that time these policies were regarded as the only feasible way to repair the injustices suffered by Italians in previous decades.

Remember, nothing ever happens for no reason.

In order to discuss the origin of the conflict between the nationalities in these areas it is first necessary to give a basic account of Dalmatian history, from the beginning.

Ancient Dalmatia, called “Illyria”, entered history beginning in 156 BC with the first of eight wars that were waged against Rome. Dalmatia became a senatorial province in 27 BC and later an imperial province. It was fully integrated with the Roman world and was the birthplace of Roman Emperors like Claudius and Diocletian.

The entire Dalmatian coast and islands were Latinized by the Romans who founded cities and favored a fusion with the native Illyrian element.

In 475 A.D. Emperor Julius Nepos took refuge in Dalmatia, while Romulus Augustulus was raised to the purple in Ravenna. In 476 A.D. the latter was deposed by Odoacer and the Western Roman Empire ceased to exist. But Julius Nepos survived in Dalmatia with the Emperor's insignia and remained a symbol of Romanity until 480 A.D., the year of his death.

In the seventh century A.D., the barbarian invasions began. In particular, the Avars invaded the Balkans with their slaves, the Slavic tribes, and later pushed towards the Adriatic coast. These invasions lasted for nearly two centuries, with ups and downs, conquests and reconquests, and essentially was limited to the hinterland. The Latin people retreated to the fortified towns of Dalmatia. The Slavs eventually reached the sea along the Velebit Channel and occupied the the mouths of the Narenta river where they devoted themselves to piracy. The Dalmatian cities sought help from the rising Venetian power; seeing as its trade was threatened, Venice decided to intervene.

On Ascension Day in the year 1000, after refusing to pay the pretium pacis to the Croats, i.e. a tax to avoid attacks on Venetian convoys, the Doge Pietro Orseolo II set sail for Dalmatia with his ships and his warriors, obtained an oath of submission from all the Latin cities, and defeated the Slavic pirates everywhere, reaching as far as Spalato and Curzola.

This was a historical act of immense importance.

Venice would forever consider it a perpetual and inalienable acquisition and one of the fundamental cornerstones of its statal right. From then on until 1797, with some losses, re-conquests and wars, the submission of the Latin cities was uninterrupted, and since the fifteenth century all of Dalmatia became an integral part of the Venetian “Stato da Mar”.

Cities such as Zara, Spalato, Traù, Sebenico, Cattaro, Ragusa (the modern Dubrovnik, which was the 5th Italian maritime republic after becoming independent from Venice), islands such as Curzola, Lissa, Lesina, Brazza, Meleda and a hundred other towns of Dalmatia still carry the signs of Venetian culture and political presence today in their urban layout, artistic and military monuments, palaces and streets.

The Slavs were never able to impose their language on the Dalmatians, whose language was a vernacular derivative of Latin known as Dalmatico.

In the fourteenth century the Dalmatian language was gradually replaced by Venetian, which became the official language of the region and the language of culture.

Until the fall of the Republic on May 12, 1797, Dalmatia flourished in institutions, in the arts, in culture and in commercial activities under the Venetian banner.

Even the Slavic-Croatian element, invited by the Venetians to repopulate the countryside affected by the plague, peacefully coexisted for centuries with the Latin element, sharing uses and customs; even the language spoken by the Slavs on the coast from Fiume to Spalato, known as “chakavian”, a special variety of language distinct from Croatian, is rich in Venetian words that are unknown to the Croats of Zagreb.

These new “Dalmatian Slavs” (peasant farmers, sailors, fishermen), who were in contact with the Latin element, are anthropologically “Mediterraneans”.

The most loyal Schiavoni, the Oltremarini, were the last troops to leave Venice after the fall of the Republic.

The Morlochs of Latin blood, pastores Romanorum, for centuries fought under the banner of San Marco and so did the Stratioti (mercenaries) who provided Venice with light cavalry and were used against the Turks.

All felt united and protected under the wings of the Venetian Lion.

Just as the Roman Empire survived in Dalmatia even after 476 A.D., so the Venetian Signoria continued on in Dalmatia for some time after the fall of the Republic.

In Zara the flag of San Marco was lowered on July 1, brought to the Cathedral, kissed and bathed in tears by the people.

The last and most poignant farewell was given on August 23 by the inhabitants of the town of Perasto, bearer of the battle flag of the Venetian fleet, in the Bay of Cattaro.

The Commander of the fortress, after placing the fallen Venetian banner under the altar, pronounced a noble speech whose most famous line we will here quote:
“For three hundred and seventy-seven years our bodies, our blood and our lives have always been for You, O San Marco; and most faithful we have always thought ourselves, You with us, we with You; and always with You on the sea we have been illustrious and full of valor. No one with You has seen us flee, no one with You has seen us defeated or fearful…”
With the Treaty of Campo Formio, Dalmatia was sold by Napoleon to Austria, but a few years later, in 1806, Dalmatia returned to the Kingdom of Italy, together with Istria. Later, after a few decades marked by bitter disputes, the region returned to Austria again.

And so we come to 1815, the year in which we can date the beginning of the Risorgimento, also in Dalmatia. The Austrian police immediately realized that the Italian citizens in the Adriatic supported the ideas of independence and reunification with Italy. They discovered Carbonari lodges, and later, in 1830, found supporters of Mazzini's Young Italy movement.

It was in 1847 that Nicolò Tommaseo of Sebenico entered the history of Dalmatia. Adhering to the opinions of Mazzini, he advocated the destruction of the Habsburg Empire and the resurrection of nationalities.

Therefore Hungarians, Italians, Romanians, Serbs, Croats, Bulgarians, Albanians, “must rise up and form a living nation of young associated nations.”

The Dalmatians pursued camaraderie with the Slavs and therefore multiplied the initiatives of scientists, scholars, jurists.

But, when the uprisings broke out in 1848, the Croats remained indifferent because they were pursuing the consolidation of the Habsburg dynasty through a Croatian movement that they hoped would become a pillar of the Empire's strength.

The Croats thus became the military arm of Austrian absolutism and they aspired, as part of the Empire, to annex Dalmatia to Croatia.

Now, Dalmatia in 1848 was nationally the same as how Venice left it.

Up to that point Dalmatia had been preserved by Austria: it was totally Italian in culture, in administration, in its ecclesiastical hierarchy, in wealth, in commerce, in navigation, in artisanry. Austria never changed the names of the cities, islands, mountains or rivers. These names remained Italian under Austria for 120 years because they had existed for tens of centuries.

But unfortunately the Italian element, in the eyes of the imperial authorities, represented an ethnic group whose loyalty to the Empire was questionable. The sea was the only thing that separated the Dalmatians from their Italian Motherland and Austria was well aware of this.

In early March of 1848 Milan, Venice, Zara, Sebenico and Spalato revolted together. The swift Austrian suppression nipped in the bud any possibility of success. The Dalmatian cities were surrounded by Austro-Croatian troops and the Croatian peasants of the countryside were armed and incited against the Dalmatians. They were also incited by the Croatian clergy, who depicted the Italians as godless Freemasons.

On the political plane the Croats of Zagreb began to require a pledge of their loyalty to the Empire and openly demanded the annexation of Dalmatia to Croatia.

In 1860, after years of Croatian attempts and strenuous opposition by the Dalmatians (it is sufficient to recall Spalato's response to a letter sent by Zagreb proposing annexation: “Dalmatia is Italian: only one citizen of Spalato, out of 12,000, was able to translate your honorable words [from Croatian]”), the Croats, supported by the Empire, proclaimed the forced annexation of Dalmatia to Croatia.

The elections of a Diet of Dalmatia to be sent to Zagreb were held and the ballot boxes gave 29 Italian representatives and 12 Croats. But the majority of the Diet refused to go to Zagreb. The Croatian delegates departed for Zagreb to join the Croatian delegation which soon left for Vienna.

To counter the Croats, the Diet of Dalmatia, all in unison and guided by the ailing Archbishop of Zara Giuseppe Godeassi, left for Vienna and was received on May 8 by Emperor Franz Joseph, who realized the adamant will of the Dalmatians to remain autonomous from Zagreb. No one spoke of annexation to Croatia any longer.

Unfortunately, the slow and inexorable operation of slavicizing Dalmatia continued in forced stages. On June 15, 1866 an imperial ordinance limited the use of the Italian language in offices and forced officials to learn Croatian.

On November 12, 1866, the Council of the Crown met in Vienna.

The report reads verbatim:
“His Majesty has expressed the precise order that we decisively oppose the influence of the Italian element still present in some Crown lands, and to aim unsparingly and without the slightest compunction at the Germanization or Slavicization – depending on the circumstances – of the areas in question, through a suitable entrustment of posts to political magistrates and teachers, as well as through the influence of the press in South Tyrol, Dalmatia, and the Adriatic Coast.”
On June 14, 1867 another decree ordered the Slavicization of the grammar school in Zara; in the same year there were the first anti-Italian street riots provoked by masses of Slavic peasants; citizens were forbidden access to the countryside; the Italian landowners had their vines chopped, trees cut down, crops stolen; the Croatian friars in Signo refused to administer the sacraments to the Italian population.

In Sebenico on July 31, 1869 a Croatian mob attacked and killed 14 sailors of the Royal Italian ship Monzambano which was anchored in the port of the Dalmatian city.

On February 15, 1870 the Croats attempted to set fire to the Verdi Theatre of Zara, a temple of Italian art.

All of these incidents led to the first exodus of the Dalmatian population towards Zara, Istria and the Italian Motherland. Croatian Slavic irredentism, which aimed at annexing Dalmatia to Croatia, thus was able in such a short time to destroy centuries of peaceful coexistence guaranteed by the good governance of the Republic of San Marco.

And in Italy? The young Kingdom of Savoy made it known to Austria that “as far as a solution to the problems of the East, Italy intends to participate with its own ideas and in defense of its own interests.”

This position of Italy rekindled the hopes of the Italians of Dalmatia, despite the difficulties due to the daily harassment they suffered, so much so that the Italian Chamber of Deputies burst into uncontrollable applause during the communication of the greeting and thanksgiving from the city of Zara.

Trento, Trieste, Istria, Gorizia and Zara were the names of the places that needed to be liberated and were on the lips of every Italian irredentist.

But forty-eight long years passed before part of Dalmatia was finally reunited with the Italian Motherland.

In the meantime, the Austrians inexorably continued the forced Croatization of Dalmatia. It began with threats and abuses to change the balance of power within the provincial Diet: more power was given to Croatian politicians and less to Italians, which brought about a reversal of the anti-annexation results of 1860; now there was a new 24 to 16 majority in favor of the Croatian annexationists.

By means of electoral fraud, violence, corruption and intimidation, one by one the Italian cities of Dalmatia fell. The offices, schools, churches and all public institutions were then Slavicized, always with the consent of the Austrians.

In the provincial Diet – where until 1865 the discussions were held only in Italian – from 1866 onward Croatian was gradually imposed alongside the Italian language until 1883, when the use of the Croatian language was made exclusive and Italian was forcibly excluded.

This situation dragged on through thick and thin until the eve of the First World War, but with a constant progressive loss of land by the Italian Dalmatians, as if it were a retreating battle, slow and tenacious but forced to surrender ground inch by inch.

Following the Pact of London, on April 26, 1915 Italy entered the war against the Austro-Hungarian Empire. On the basis of this pact, signed with France, Great Britain and Russia, Italy was promised – in the event of victory – recognizing of Italian sovereignty over Trentino-Alto Adige, Istria and Dalmatia up to the south of Sebenico, in addition to some Dalmatian islands.

Many Italians from Istria and Dalmatia dedicated their lives to the liberation of their land by fighting in the Italian army. Nazario Sauro, captured by the Austrians and executed as a deserter, was one of them and every city in Italy today has a street or square named after this Italian hero.

In 1918, at the end of the conflict, the American President Wilson opposed the implementation of the London agreements, which had not been signed by the United States, and in Italy there was then talk of a ‘Mutilated Victory’ due to Italy's own allies refusal to respect the signed agreements.

France and England were in fact worried about the growing Italian influence on both sides of the Adriatic Sea.

After months of intense diplomatic actions, on September 10, 1919 the Treaty of Saint-Germain was reached with Austria, which ceded Trentino, Alto Adige, Venezia Giulia with Istria and the Quarnaro islands, but excluding from the negotiations Fiume and Dalmatia.

All the sacrifices endured by the Italians during the war appeared to most as vain and useless, to the point of arousing a strong wave of indignation in the population.

On the basis of this widespread popular sentiment, on September 12, 1919 Gabriele D'Annunzio, together with his volunteers the Legionaries of Ronchi, undertook the liberation of Fiume, an overwhelmingly Italian city, giving rise to the Regency of Carnaro and a new constitution, the Carnaro Charter, quite socially advanced for the time and in fact provided for the right to education, the vote for women, the recognition of a living wage and health insurance.

(The Carnaro Charter was essentially the work of the revolutionary syndicalist Alceste De Ambris who, in March of the same year, had collaborated in the drafting of the program of the first Fasci di Combattimento in Milan.)

On November 12, 1920, the head of the government Giolitti signed the Treaty of Rapallo with the Yugoslavs, which assigned to Italy the city Zara, the only enclave of Dalmatia and the islands of Lagosta and Pelagosa, and declared Fiume a Free State. D'Annunzio did not accept the clauses of the Treaty, refusing to abandon Fiume. The consequence was a fratricidal clash between the legionaries and the Italian troops that went down in history as the Bloody Christmas.

The Pacts of Rome of 1924 ratified the Treaty of Rapallo, definitively assigning Fiume to Italy but almost all of Dalmatia passed to the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.

General Caviglia spoke during the discussion in the Senate regarding the Treaty of Rapallo. His words were prophetic:
“Certainly the Treaty of Rapallo will be judged by history, but we can determine right now that this treaty has consumed a historical event of great importance and laid the seeds of endless troubles in a soil too fertile. After twelve centuries of slow advance and four centuries of struggle with the Italian race, the Slavic race was able to obtain from Italy, in an official document – the first in history – the recognition of its undisputed dominion on the east side of the Adriatic. This historical fact is consumated by the Treaty of Rapallo. Using the lesson of history, allow me to make some predictions. All of modern history indicates a strong movement of expansion of the Slavic race in all directions. As serfs, slaves, mercenaries, feudatories, they will expand westward, penetrate the boundaries of various neighboring nationalities and will replace the populations.
They do not carry a civilization of their own, but absorb the civilization of the peoples they replace, changing the names of the lands. But the expelled nationality preserves its identity; and thus the Italian will be forced to migrate to Italy, the German forced to migrate to Germany and Austria, the Greek to Greece, the Hungarian to Hungary. Voltaire, in his history of Charles XII of Sweden, found to his regret the disappearance of Greek-Byzantine civilization in the lands to the south-east of Poland due to the advance of the Slavs and the substitution of Greek names of rivers and cities with new Slavic names; with greater sorrow Italy will see the disappearance of Italian names from the eastern shore of the Adriatic and their replacement with Slavic names. Our people will gradually be driven from the eastern shore of the Adriatic; our merchant ships and our fishing boats will gradually encounter more and more obstacles forbidding us to exercise our millennial rights; we will end up having to flee from the eastern coast, and the Italian flag, which represents the banner of Rome and Venice with their most noble traditions, will be forced to abandon the coast of Dalmatia.”
 slow and constant ethnic cleansing created the conditions for the re-Italianization policy that in the years following the First World War affected those few Dalmatian lands that passed to the Italian state after the fall of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The Slavicization of Dalmatia and the gradual expulsion of the Italian element thus became a fait accompli.

All this was before the advent of the Fascist regime, before the attempted re-Italianization of these lands by the Italians (1918-1941), and before the Italo-German military occupation of World War II.

The poisonous seeds of ethnic hatred had certainly been planted, as can be seen, not by the Italians, but by the Slavs, and the plants unfortunately grew between 1943 and 1945 with the tragedy of the Foibe Massacres and the final exodus of the Italians in the years after.

The nationalisms that caused the collapse of the Central Powers were unable to reconstruct that centuries-old peaceful coexistence among the people of Dalmatia which the Republic of Venice had managed to wisely guarantee from the fourteenth century until its fall. A peaceful coexistence which still remains as a living testimony and example for all generations.

Thursday, April 29, 2021

The President of Slovenia Falsifies History: The Tragicomic Case of Ioannis Kapodistrias

(Written by the Unione degli Istriani, taken from the article “A falsare la storia ci si mette ora anche il Capo di Stato sloveno. Il caso tragicomico di Giovanni Capodistria a Lubiana”, April 23, 2021.)

Ioannis Kapodistrias, Founder and 1st Governor of Greece
Descended from an Italian Istrian family of the Republic of Venice
Originally from Capodistria in Istria (today Koper, Slovenia)

The lack of history and culture of a country can really cause delusions, especially in the case of a new state like Slovenia which wants to place itself on an equal pedestal to a universal colossus like Greece.

Yesterday, on Thursday, April 22, 2021, the President of the Republic of Slovenia, the unparalleled Borut Pahor, our neighbor, once again went about robbing the history and culture of others – our culture and history – during his meeting in Ljubljana with the President of the Hellenic Republic Katerina Sakellaropoulou, elected just over a year ago.

Sakellaropoulou's state visit, the first abroad since she took office, began with military honors in the elegant Congress Square, followed by the exchange of honors in the Presidential Palace.

So far so good.

A tragicomedy, however, took place immediately after, when the two Presidents began a long conversation: welcoming his guest, Borut Pahor, evidently feeling inadequate, clumsily decided to start his speech by reviewing the long history of Slovenia and its long cultural relations with Greece.

“Long cultural relations with Greece”? What could he possibly be referring to?

Well, this is where the unscrupulous robbery occurred: Pahor mentioned Giovanni Capodistria, that is to say Ioannis Kapodistrias, the founder and 1st governor of modern Greece, emphasizing with bogus pride the supposed “Slovenian origins” of his family, which came from the city of Capodistria – our Italian city!

A perfectly-executed cultural robbery at the official State level; a dirty manipulation of history which, unfortunately, is all too common in these parts!

The theft of this important historical figure of Istrian origin – a shameless robbery comparable to the theft of Marco Polo who, across the border, is referred to as “Croatian” merely because he was (possibly) born on the Dalmatian island of Curzola – represents however only the latest incident: two years ago, in fact, President Pahor, during his state visit to Greece, already had the audacity to unveil a commemorative plaque in honor of the “Slovene” Ioannis Kapodistrias.

The second act of this comedy will be staged later today, when a “friendship bench” dedicated to the illustrious historical figure will be inaugurated by the two Heads of State in Capodistria – a city that was stolen from us, and from which thousands of our fellow citizens were expelled.

At this point allow us to explain very briefly who Ioannis Kapodistrias really was.

Born in 1776 in the city of Corfù, the main center of the Ionian Islands (at that time part of the Republic of Venice), Ioannis was the sixth son of Count Antonio Maria Capodistria and Diamantina Gonemi. The Capodistria family (Kapodistrias in Greek) had been in the Golden Book of the Corfiot nobility since 1679 by virtue of an ancestor who had been named ‘count’ by Charles Emmanuel II of Savoy and derived their name from the homonymous Istrian town which the family came from (Vittori was their original surname), while the Gonemi family (his mother's family) had been inscribed in the Golden Book even earlier (1606).

After studying medicine, philosophy and law at the University of Padua, in 1797, at the age of 21, he returned to his native island to practice the medical profession, but, being interested also in politics, he would finally embark on a long diplomatic career which – following the upheavals caused by the collapse of Venice and the subsequent French domination – will lead him first to become Russian plenipotentiary and then to command the militias of the Ionian Islands in 1807, the year of the Ioannina rebellion.

On April 18, 1828, the Greek National Assembly, meeting in Nafplio, elected Kapodistrias as the first president (kybernetes) of Greece, giving him a seven-year mandate.

Dear President Pahor, the history and cultural context of Ioannis Kapodistrias has nothing, absolutely nothing, to do with Slovenia!

Inventing, boasting and stealing things from others never bodes well, especially for a Head of State!

Tuesday, March 16, 2021

The Foibe Massacres Were Not a Reaction to Fascism

(Written by Marco Vigna, taken from the periodical “Lega Nazionale”, Anno XVIII, Numero 56, May 2019)

The ‘foibe’ are deep underground pits or sinkholes found in the Carso/Karst region around Trieste, Istria & Venezia Giulia (located primarily in modern-day Croatia & Slovenia). This is where the bodies of Italians were dumped or hidden after being massacred by Yugoslav Partisans; sometimes the victims were thrown into the pits while still alive. As many as 20-30,000 Italians were killed in these massacres—most of them civilians—including anti-Fascists, women, children and clergy. It was a genocide.


The idea that the Foibe Massacres were a “reaction” to Fascism or that they were not an ethnic cleansing is a hypothesis that is both erroneous and yet deeply-rooted in certain political circles. The truth is that the Yugoslav invaders raged against anyone who would obstruct their objective of annexing Venezia Giulia, indiscriminately massacring Italians, whether they were Fascists, anti-Fascists (even Communists), politicians, officials, soldiers, etc. It was not an ideological persecution or a revenge for acts of war, but the execution of an ethnic cleansing program against Italian people.

There are many proofs of this, such as the long duration of the Slavic war against the Italians which began in the mid-19th century and continued uninterruptedly until the First World War, the expulsion of many Italians from Dalmatia during the interwar period, and the Slavic terrorism in Venezia Giulia, which finally culminated in the Foibe Massacres. Another proof is the fact that Fascists were only a small minority of those who were murdered by the Yugoslav invaders, whereas many of the victims were in fact openly anti-Fascist.

An anti-Fascist intellectual from Grado, Biagio Marin, representative of the Liberal Party in the C.L.N., stated the following about the behavior of the Slavic invaders:
“The most important Fascists were not harassed and if they were arrested they were soon released, whereas on the other hand all the possible anti-Fascist elements which were of pro-Italian or autonomist sentiments (as in Fiume) were beheaded so rapidly and systematically so as to exclude any possible resistance.”
Professor Elio Apih, in his work “Trieste: Political and Social History”, reports an excerpt from the document FO 371/48953, r. 1085. This is an official English document, which was collected by the British Secret Service immediately after the war, and then transmitted to the Foreign Ministry. This document was classified for over 40 years before being made public. Among other things, it reads as follows:
“It has been established, beyond any doubt, that during the Yugoslav occupation of Trieste and the adjacent territory, many thousands of people were thrown into the local foibe. In Trieste all the members of the Police Headquarters, the Public Security, the Guardia di Finanza, the Carabinieri, the Civic Guard and C.L.N. Partisans who were taken by the Yugoslavs, were arrested and thrown into foibe.”
These massacres – whose victims were members of the C.L.N. of Trieste, as well as Italian military personnel – are also confirmed by other official documents, this time from the State Archives of Slovenia.

In addition to Trieste, killings of numerous Italian soldiers, Carabinieri and Guardie di Finanza, also occurred in other places invaded by the Slavs.

The Titoists sometimes attacked the Italian anti-Fascists with greater determination, rather than their well-known Fascist adversaries, since, for specific political purposes linked to the peace conferences, the Yugolavs intended to peddle the idea that all Italians were “Fascists”: the anti-Fascists of Venezia Giulia were therefore physically destroyed.

The Yugoslav avant-gardes – who arrived in Trieste after the Germans had already been forced to enclose themselves in a few strongholds, where they remained until the arrival of the New Zealanders – were concerned not with “fighting the Nazi-Fascists”, but with disarming the members of the Italian C.L.N. and indeed with arresting a good number of them. Thousands of people were arrested by members of the Yugoslav “People's Defense” or “People's Guard”, through pre-prepared hitlists. Still others were arrested because they had affirmed the Italian character of Trieste and Venezia Giulia, whereas the Titoists proclaimed it Slavic (“Trst je nas”, as Slovenian nationalists still say today).

The arrests and massacres committed by the Yugoslavs in fact affected all those who were believed to be capable of opposing in any way the annexationist goals of the Titoists, and often those affected were anti-Fascists, given that the Fascists by now were – if not dead – completely devoid of power. Already in September 1944 the Triestine Federation of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) had been decimated by an internal purge, with the elimination (or “disappearance”) of, among others, Luigi Frausin and Vincenzo Gigante, both of whom had always expressed their total opposition to the Yugoslav desire of annexing the region. This internal purging of the PCI itself was prompted by the hostility of the Venezia Giulia sections of the PCI towards the idea of incorporating the region into Yugoslavia, which was previously written about, and was ordered – directly or indirectly – by the Yugoslav Communist Party, for the purpose of eliminating all those who opposed the annexationist project.

The arrests and killings of members of the C.L.N. of Trieste and of the PCI of Trieste, which go hand in hand with the Porzus Massacre of the white partisans of the “Brigate Osoppo”, sufficiently demonstrate how the supposed Yugoslav “liberators” acted even against anti-Fascists themselves, even when they were Communists, whenever they were regarded as potential obstacles to the Slavization of Venezia Giulia.

Among those killed in the Foibe Massacres was also Angelo Adam, who was an anti-Fascist Jew. As an Italian from Fiume, but of Jewish religion, he was deported to Dachau on December 2, 1943. His registration number was 59001. At the end of the war he returned to his hometown in Fiume, but found it occupied by Tito's partisans and saw that nearly the entire Jewish community had disappeared. Adam had tried to get in touch with the C.L.N. of northern Italy and with local partisans, without any result. The Titoists kidnapped him together with his wife, Ernesta Stefancich: they disappeared and were never seen again. When her daughter Zulema, a young minor, tried to find out about the fate of her parents, she too was made to disappear.

All this demonstrates the ideological and fraudulent nature of the theory that Venezia Giulia was “liberated” from the “Nazi-Fascists”; the reality instead shows that:

1) the Yugoslavs were disliked by the vast majority of the population, including a part of the Slavic population, and even by some Communists of Venezia Giulia;

2) in addition to the notorious Foibe massacres and the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Italians, the Titoists had dedicated themselves with particular ferocity to killing also Italian anti-Fascists of the C.L.N., and even to carrying out purges against the Communists of the PCI.

The hostility of the Titoists towards the local anti-Fascists themselves was part of their program of conquering of the region, aimed at presenting abroad an artificial image of an Italian population made up entirely of “Fascists” and therefore undeserving of consideration in its requests.

Subsequently, the false hypothesis of “anti-fascist retaliation” was advocated and propagated precisely in order to deny the obvious ethnic cleansing and genocidal character of the Foibe Massacres and the Exodus, and at the same time to try to provide it with a degree of justification, albeit of an ideological nature.

Sunday, July 5, 2020

Foibe Massacres: Historical Disinformation Techniques

(Written by Federico Gennaccari, taken from “Orwell.live”, February 9 & 10, 2020)



Part I – Foibe Massacres: Historical Disinformation Techniques

Justificationism and denialism are two sides of the same coin

When Parliament passed the law establishing Remembrance Day in 2004, it immediately caused the agitation of those political and cultural organizations which for 60 years had managed to “conceal” the massacre perpetrated by Tito's Communist partisans.

Ever since then, new interpretations have been born every year, new “historical re-readings” (often in conjunction with Croatian and Slovenian universities) have been brought forth to deny the Italian holocaust. Two theses, above all, are put forth: the first one argues that the Foibe Massacres were not a crime against humanity but rather a “justified revenge” of the Slavs against the Fascists; and the second one denies that any terrible massacre took place, but only a few executions.

They are known as “Justificationists” and “Deniers”.

We talked about the subject with Silvano Olmi, a journalist, historical researcher and member of the national directorate of the February 10th Committee (Comitato 10 Febbraio).

Silvano: The former are people who justify the Foibe Massacres as the revenge of the Slavs for the alleged suffering inflicted upon them by Fascism; the latter even go as far as to deny that the Foibe Massacres were a crime, claiming that it is a hoax invented by anti-Communist propaganda. Then there are also the “reductionists”, i.e. those who do not deny the tragedy but limit its scope.

Who are these disinformation professionals?

Silvano: The national ANPI falls into the first category, that of the “justificationists”, and it never invites radical members such as Alessandra Kersevan, Claudia Cernigoi and Sandi Volk to its official conferences. Instead, they host them only at the local level. In fact, as we speak, the provincial sections of the ANPI are organizing blatant “denialist” events.

This division of roles is also reflected within the Democratic Party (PD), with national representatives reiterating the words spoken in the past by Giorgio Napolitano and also by the current president, Sergio Mattarella. Then, however, at local level, cases occur – such as in Lecce – where the municipal councilors of the Democratic Party reject the request to name a street in honor of Norma Cossetto, the Istrian girl who has become the symbol of the Foibe Massacres. Or in Pavia, where other PD councilors tried to prevent the presentation of the graphic novel “Foiba rossa” which tells the story of Norma Cossetto.

What are the main points of justificationism?

Silvano: There are three cardinal points upon which the justificationists work. The first pertains to the “eastern borders”, the second to the concept of “Italiani brava gente” and the third to “ethnic cleansing”.

Let's start with the “eastern borders”…

Silvano: The question of Italy's “eastern borders” (mentioned even by Dante) is very complex and has a long history that begins with Rome, continues with the Byzantines and culminates with the more than seven centuries of Venetian presence. The “justificationists”, instead, frame the story only from the end of the First World War, when Istria, Fiume and a small part of Dalmatia were assigned to Italy, completely ignoring everything that had happened before that time.

Why do they not talk about it?

Silvano: For two reasons. The first is to keep silent about the centuries-long Italianity of those lands, where the cities were born on the coast as colonies of Rome and then developed under Venice until 1797. Cities where, as a well-known song says, “even the stones speak Italian”. The second is to keep silent about the tumultuous events under the Austrians, who favored the Slavic component to the detriment of the Italian one. This found expression in Emperor Franz Joseph's decision of November 23, 1866, during the middle of the Risorgimento period, in which he called for the “Slavicization” of Italian surnames and toponyms. However, the purpose of all this is to make people believe that the Italianization of those lands was something imposed by Fascism.

Let's move on to the second point: “Italiani brava gente”…

Silvano: It has now become a slogan used in a derogatory manner with reference to what Fascism and, later, the Italian army supposedly did during the Second World War, starting in 1941, when the territory of the Kingdom of the Yugoslavia was occupied. However, many details are ignored. First: the military action was the consequence of a coup d'état which attempted to install a pro-Allied government in Yugoslavia (which posed a serious risk to Italian troops engaged in Albania and Greece). Certainly, mistakes and horrors were committed by the Italian side during the war. There is a lot of emphasis placed on this point because they think this would justify the Foibe Massacres as a reaction of the Slav Communists against the Italians, who are all depicted as Fascists. Yet, they are silent about the actions of Italian soldiers in Dalmatia who saved thousands of Jews. They are silent about the Croats (Ustasha) and Serbs (Chetniks) who were allies of the Italians. Finally, they are especially silent about the fact that the crimes of the Yugoslav Partisans were committed above all at the end of the war.

The third point is to deny that the Foibe Massacres were an “ethnic cleansing”…

Silvano: The Slavs and the Communists deny the terms “genocide” and “ethnic cleansing”, claiming that there was “only” a killing of Fascists and those who opposed the new regime. In reality, the Foibe Massacres occurred in two waves. The first took place between September 8 and October 10, 1943 when the Italian army was overwhelmed by the Armistice and Istria was occupied by Tito's partisans. It was in this period that Norma Cossetto was killed, for example.

The second “wave” of executions began after May 1, 1945, therefore after the war, when Slavic troops arrived in Trieste. For the Julian capital the massacres ended after 45 days (with the arrival of the British) but for Istria, Fiume and Dalmatia there was no end. The revisionist thesis is even denied by Mattarella, because the Yugoslavs killed people who were never Fascist; even partisans and exponents of the non-Communist CLN were thrown into the foibe. These are facts which the justificationists do not want to remember, precisely because the presence of Italian anti-Fascist exponents and anti-Fascist fighters among the victims confirms that “ethnic cleansing” was involved. The intent was clearly to eliminate the Italians, killing them or forcing them to flee. And, unfortunately, they succeeded...


Part II – Deny or Justify: The Strategies to Conceal the Truth

Most of the bodies were never found... therefore they “do not exist”; the Exodus, then, almost does not exist and we try to talk about it as little as possible in schools

We saw yesterday the arguments used to counter the emotional impact of the genocide and ethnic cleansing carried out by the Yugoslav Communist partisans in Julian Venetia at the end of the Second World War.

On the one hand, there is the aim of “justifying” what happened (as if the elimination, abuse, torture and rape of more than 10,000 people could be justified). Then there are also those who deny these figures.

We therefore asked Silvano Olmi – a journalist, historical researcher and member of the national directorate of the February 10th Committee (Comitato 10 Febbraio) – to clarify these points.

Silvano: In every part of the world, Communism acts like the Mafia: it makes people disappear. Not finding the corpses of the victims, and not being able to consult Yugoslav source documents, the denialist historians can claim anything. Unfortunately, there is no precise number of martyrs, because it was not possible to recover the bodies from all the foibe, as for example the most famous one, Basovizza, a national monument on the Carso of Trieste. The bodies of those killed in 1943 were recovered. But for those of 1945 it was more difficult. Most of the foibe are located in Yugoslavian territory (today Slovenia and Croatia) and therefore have remained unexplored.

So we must rely on estimations. The victims of Trieste are at least 5 thousand in number (4,122 names are found in the list published by Mayor Gianni Bartoli); another 500 in Fiume; in Gorizia the gravestone in Memorial Park shows the names of 695 people killed in the foibe, of which about 200 were white partisans (i.e. anti-communists). To these must be added the victims of Pola, Zara and more than 100 towns and villages of Istria and Dalmatia. For this reason, at least 10-12 thousand victims are calculated.

However, what is important is not the exact numbers, but their intention to annihilate the Italian presence.

Another disinformation technique concerns, the Internet and social media where incorrect photos are sometimes posted...

Silvano: Yes, it sometimes happens that images are posted that have nothing to do with the Foibe Massacres and the killing of Italian citizens. Such images have also deceived television programs such as “Porta a Porta”. The best known fake images are those of the shooting of some Slavic citizens by Italian soldiers and the recovery of the remains of Polish officers massacred by the Soviets in the Katyn Forest. One has to be very careful when posting images, because in this case the misinformation is based on a theorem: if the photo is false, then according to them everything that is written in the article or post must also be false.

Those are the disinformation techniques pertaining to the Foibe Massacres. What about the Exodus...

Silvano: They try not to talk about the Exodus or else they reduce it to just a few lines. There, too, they contest the official figure of 300-350 thousand exiles, but for the most part they tend to ignore it, mainly for two reasons. The first is the shameful hostility manifested towards the Exiles by the Italian Communist Party, especially in Ancona and Bologna, to cite the most egregious cases.

It is worth remembering – for those who do not know – that the Italian Communist Party (PCI) has always been in favor of every concession to the Slavs. Let's recall Togliatti's proposal for the transfer of Trieste or the the 2,000 workers of Monfalcone who were sent to work in Yugoslavia and who, after the split between Tito and Stalin, ended up deported to the concentration camp of Goli Otok.

The second reason is precisely the enormous extent of the Exodus, with cities like Pola abandoned by 90% of the population, entire towns remained almost deserted. A fact which demonstrates the Italian character of those lands and populations. A drama which Simone Cristicchi, with his recital “Magazzino 18”, has managed to make known, and to divulge effectively. It is no coincidence that Cristicchi was challenged by the far Left and by partisans, precisely because his show was terribly uncomfortable for them.

What do you think of the initiatives of the ANPI?

Silvano: We always hope to be able to arrive at a peaceful and unprejudiced dialogue with the national ANPI. Unfortunately, however, especially at the local level, the “denialist” initiatives which focus on disinformation are pervasive, as are their opposition to initiatives such as the screening of the film “Red Land – Rosso Istria” or the graphic novel “Foiba rossa”, both centered on the tragic story of Norma Cossetto.

And yet, not all partisans are Communists.

Silvano: True. It would suffice to refer to the publications of the Istrian CLN, such as as “Foibe. La tragedia dell’Istria” or the clandestine newspaper “Il Grido dell’Istria”. The collection of the 53 issues published between August 1945 and February 10, 1947 was reprinted in facsimile a few years ago by the National Dalmatian Association and, by leafing through it, interesting discoveries are made which demonstrate that the facts which today they wish to deny or downplay were already very well known at that time.

How often is the Committee invited to speak in schools?

Silvano: Rarely. There are still very few schools which adequately celebrate Remembrance Day in Italy. Every year you have to search for principals and professors who are aware of the importance of making known to students this forgotten tragic page of Italian history (a page which has even been torn out). But, for the most part, they are not interested, or else are obstructed by red rape. Often, however, it is the students themselves who invite us to talk about what is not written in the textbooks and what their teachers do not want to explain.

Monday, May 25, 2020

The Myth of Anti-Slavic Ethnic Cleansing in the Balkans

(Written by Marco Vigna, taken from the magazine “Indygesto”, March 31, 2020)

Julian-Dalmatian Refugees During the Exodus from Pola (1947)

The idea that the Foibe Massacres were a reaction to Italian abuses is a polemical tool used by Foibe deniers. The historical data shows otherwise: the Italians did not carry out any mass repression, but instead suffered two of them...

One of the arguments used by those who try to deny the genocidal nature of the Foibe Massacres, or who try to justify it as an alleged reaction to supposed Italian abuses, is the accusation that Fascists carried out a de-nationalization of Slavs in Julian Venetia.

However, an examination of the quantitative data recorded in the censuses of the Julian population in the periods from 1880-1910 (under Austrian administration) and from 1921-1936 (under Italian administration) attest that no “ethnic cleansing” took place under the Fascists.

It is well known that the Habsburg government pursued a policy of germanizing and slavicizing Julian Venetia, Dalmatia and South Tyrol, in accordance with the directives of Emperor Franz Joseph at the meeting of the Council of Ministers in 1866. This is confirmed by the demographic data of the period from 1866-1918, which on the one hand documents massive expulsions of Italians, and on the other a Slavic immigration favored in every way by the government, all accompanied by a persecutory policy against Italians, which included endemic violence, the forced alteration of a large number of surnames, the closure of Italian schools, etc. Even a great historian like Ernesto Sestan made mention of this imperial policy:
“About 35 thousand Italian citizens were expelled in the decade from 1903 to 1913.” (1)
The support of the imperial authorities for Slavic immigration from the Balkans, together with their simultaneous hostility towards the Italian population, caused a rapid increase in the Slavic-speaking population in Julian Venetia.

For example, the Slovenian population had a demographic expansion of 3.4% in the period 1880-1890, a 2.7% increase in 1890-1900, and as much as 20.8% in 1900-1910.

In some cities, the increase in the number of Slovenes was even more pronounced. In the period between 1900-1910, the Slovenian presence in Gorizia grew by 36.3%, in Trieste by 116.7%, and in Pola by 178.9%. (2)

Obviously, the increased percentage of Slavs meant also a relative decrease of Italians.

The impact of these combined series of measures against the Italians was devastating especially in Dalmatia, resulting in a very rapid decline of the Italian ethnic group. Professor Monzali writes:
“In the first unofficial Austrian statistical studies carried out in the 1860's and 1870's, the number of Italian Dalmatians varied between 40,000 and 50,000; in the official census of 1880, their number dropped to 27,305, and then dropped dramatically in the following decades; 16,000 in 1890, 15,279 in 1900, 18,028 in 1910 (out of a total Dalmatian population of 593,784 people in 1900, and 645,646 in 1910).” (3)
An abrupt de-nationalization operation to the detriment of the Italians during the last fifty years of the Austrian Empire is therefore proven by the sharp changes in the demographic percentages of the various ethnic groups. The Italian population was almost wiped out in Dalmatia and was reduced in Julian Venetia by the collaborative grip of Slavic nationalists and the imperial authorities.

On the other hand, there was no ethnic cleansing operation against the Slavs under the Kingdom of Italy. It is true that population movements occurred in the period of 1918-1921 in Julian Venetia, however they were voluntary migrations and were due to economic reasons.

In the preceding decades, the Austrian government had introduced into the region a number of officials, administrators, soldiers, employees of post offices, telegraphs, railways, etc., of Austrian, Hungarian and Slovenian ethnic background, so as to “Germanize or Slavicize [the region] ... unsparingly and without the slightest compunction”. (4) When the Austrian state surrendered the region to Italy, all these people naturally lost their jobs: no state in the world would have kept foreign officials, soldiers and civil servants – who were not even born in Julian Venetia – both for reasons of loyalty and because admission to certain jobs was subject to specific requirements and educational standards which differ from country to country.

As usually happens when a territory passes from one state to another, these people lost their jobs, so they voluntarily decided to return to their homelands. What happened was the voluntary emigration of some groups of Austrians, Hungarians and Slavs who had lost their state positions due to a simple and ordinary administrative measure, common to all states (the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, for example, enacted the same policy on its soil). It certainly was not an “ethnic cleansing”, also because those who wished to stay were free to remain in Julian Venetia. (5)

Trivially: just as Austria had used its own officials, administrators, civil servants and military personnel in Julian Venetia, so too did Italy. The only real emigration for political reasons – and not economic ones – from Julian Venetia to Yugoslavia was instead that of a few thousand (less than 3,000) Slavic nationalists who, also of their own free will, moved immediately after the war to the newly-formed Kingdom of Yugoslavia, where they became foreign agitators, propagandists and sometimes terrorists in the name of Yugoslav nationalism. Again, here one can not speak of “ethnic cleansing”, because this migratory shift was voluntary and involved only a few thousand people. (6)

Furthermore, it should be noted that even during the Fascist period there was an immigration of Slovenes from Slovenia to Italy: J. L. Gardelles, a French scholar, calculates that at least 20,000 to 25,000 Slovenes immigrated to Julian Venetia and permanently took up residence there during the 1920's and 1930's. (7) Such a phenomenon, accepted by the Fascist regime, is incompatible with the idea of ​​an “ethnic cleansing” project.

Simplifying things as much as possible for the sake of brevity, the Fascists proposed the Italianization of the region, but they never conceived of any expulsion of the Slavs nor of forcing them to assimilate. They limited themselves to adopting measures similar to those adopted by other contemporary states, including liberal or democratic ones, making use of educational institutions and mandating the use of the official language.

The non-existence of any forced upheaval of the ethnic and demographic composition of Julian Venetia on the part of the Fascist authorities emerges from a comparison between the 1921 census (which took place a year before the March on Rome and the beginning of the Fascist regime) and the 1936 census.

The census data of 1921 showed that Slovenes and Croats were equal to 37.3% of the population (8), while their percentage in 1936 grew to 37.9%. To be precise, in 1936 the region had a total population of 1,022,593 inhabitants, of which 402,091 inhabitants were of non-Italian origin (Slavs, Germans and other very small communities, equal to 39.5%). More specifically, there were 252,916 Slovenes (24.7%) and 134,945 Croats (13.2%). (9)

Therefore, the Slavs had increased in number from 1921 to 1936, in both absolute terms (not surprising, given the general population growth) and relative terms, since the total percentage of Slovenian and Croatian inhabitants had grown, albeit to a modest extent.

By contrast, one should note the extent of the brutal ethnic cleansing carried out by the Yugoslavs against the Italian population in Julian Venetia between 1943-1948, which led to the expulsion of about 300,000 Italians, to which one must add many thousands more who were murdered.

In conclusion, the “Fascist ethnic cleansing” against Slavs in Julian Venetia is a myth. Meanwhile, two other ethnic cleansings did take place: one against the Italians in Julian Venetia and Dalmatia under the Habsburg Empire, followed by a second one against Italians perpetrated by Tito's partisans.


References

1. E. Sestan, Venezia Giulia. Lineamenti di una storia etnica e culturale, Udine 1997, p. 93.

2. Data based on the figures reported in O. Mileta Mattiuz, Popolazioni dell’Istria, Fiume, Zara e Dalmazia (1850-2002). Ipotesi di quantificazione demografica, Trieste 2005; G. Perselli, I censimenti della popolazione dell’Istria, con Fiume e Trieste e di alcune città della Dalmazia tra il 1850 e il 1936, Rovigno 1993.

3. L. Monzali, Italiani di Dalmazia. Dal Risorgimento alla Grande Guerra, Firenze 2011, pp. 170-171.

4. The decision of Franz Joseph to carry out an ethnic cleansing against the Italians in Trentino-Alto Adige, Julian Venetia and Dalmatia, can be found in Die Protokolle des Österreichischen Ministerrates 1848-1867. VI Abteilung: Das Ministerium Belcredi. Band 2: 8. April 1866-6. Februar 1867, Österreichischer Bundesverlag für Unterricht, Wissenschaft und Kunst (Wien 1973); the quote appears in Section VI, vol. 2, meeting of November 12, 1866, p. 297. The quotation appears in a section titled “Maßregeln gegen das italienische Element in einigen Kronländern” (“Measures against the Italian element in some territories of the Crown”).

5. The considerations of H. Angermeier in Königtum und Staat im deutschen Reich, München 1954, are very useful in this regard.

6. J. A. Brundage, The Genesis of the Wars: Mussolini and Pavelic, London 1987.

7. J. L. Gardelles, Histria et Dalmatia. Peuplements: essai de synthèse, in «Journal of Modern History», VI (1980), pp. 143-214

8. J. B. Duroselle, Le conflit de Trieste 1943-1954, Bruxelles, 1966.

9. T. Sala, 1939. Un censimento riservato del governo fascista sugli «alloglotti». Proposte per l’assimilazione degli “allogeni” nella Provincia dell’Istria in «Bollettino dell’Istituto Regionale per la storia del movimento di liberazione nel Friuli-Venezia Giulia», a. I, n. 1, 1973, pp. 17-19.